Trump's Biblical Ethic Means You Don't Always Get What You Want

 

Trump holds a Bible in a visit to St. John’s Episcopal Church, Washington, D.C. in January 2025. Photo courtesy of the Trump White House Archived.

In his January 2025 inaugural address, President Trump credited divine intervention for protecting him from the attempt on his life in July 2024, saying he was “saved by God to make America great again.” A few months earlier, he had told his “beautiful Christians” on the campaign trail that if they elected him in November, they wouldn’t have to vote in another election. Rather than reflecting a genuine religious credence, these statements illustrate Trump’s strategic employment of Christian rhetoric to court evangelical voters—a crucial voting bloc in his reelection victory.

Trump’s policies generally align with the preferences of white evangelical Protestants, leading many of them to knowingly overlook Trump’s lack of religious observance in favor of advancing their vision of a Christian America. Evangelical support for Trump stems not from a sincere shared faith but instead from an expedient alignment of political goals. 

Although Trump’s policies may align with those of many right-wing evangelicals, this coincidence is not a true indication of any loyalty to these Christian groups. The administration’s nominal changes, such as the creation of the White House Faith Office, serve more so to deceivingly project evangelical access and influence rather than to meaningfully expand it. In reality, the administration will continue to do enough on the surface to appease their evangelical supporters, while implementing policies that may threaten these communities’ policy preferences—focusing solely on serving their own agenda of consolidating executive control. This dynamic reveals how religious identity can be mobilized strategically in American politics—not as a reflection of personal belief, but as a vehicle for power.

The first months of Trump’s second administration have seen a flurry of executive orders and conservative policies, many of which have already been championed by Christian groups. The establishment of the White House Faith Office and task force to “eradicate anti-Christian bias” is aligned with Trump’s attacks on DEI, as they prioritize the protection and promotion of a white, Christian America that is opposed to any form of diversity. The office serves to reassure conservative evangelicals that the administration is already working in their favor, granting them privileges and claiming to weed out all forms of “anti-religious” bias. The task force was especially created in response to consequences for Christians who protested abortion facilities, but so far has yet to make any tangible policy impact. Trump appointed Paula White—a “millionaire televangelist” with a history of expressing anti-immigrant and anti-Black Lives Matter rhetoric—as senior advisor to the Faith Office. The move has received criticism even from some right-wing Christians, reflecting the growing reality that the administration has already failed to serve the conservative Christian groups that supported the President, despite the optics that the Faith Office projects

The administration’s failure to meaningfully serve its religious supporters extends beyond just controversial appointments, as the pursuit of its anti-immigration agenda has underlying effects that could harm evangelical groups. In coordination with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the administration is attempting to eliminate safe spaces of worship, meaning that ICE could conduct immigration arrests in churches and other historically safe spaces. Many previously pro-Trump congregations have found themselves opposing these harsh immigration tactics in light of possible raids being conducted in their own churches. 

The recent crackdown on First Amendment rights also forecast trouble for Christian groups. Albeit a seemingly separate issue, the recent arrest of Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia graduate, and revoking of his green card at the prior sensitive location of a university have sent shockwaves within and beyond the legal community. Besides causing concern for any American, this action should also be worrying for the Christian groups on whose behalf Trump claims an impediment to First Amendment rights has occurred. Attacking one part of the First Amendment, particularly Khalil’s right to freedom of speech, attacks all parts of the First Amendment, including that of religious freedom. Although many right-wing evangelicals have proven to be anti-immigrant, these anti-immigration actions fundamentally undermine their First Amendment rights to free religious expression and should thus be cause for concern. 

The current central concern for many Christian groups is the dismantling of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), a government agency that provides funding for foreign aid, including ample support to Christian charities. The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), run by Elon Musk, has not shown any sympathy for Trump’s Christian base in its attempt to root out “government waste,” despite USAID accounting for less than 1% of government spending. Catholic Relief Services received the most funds from USAID out of any non-governmental organization (NGO) from fiscal years 2013-2022, with this support comprising 64% of its revenue in 2022. World Relief, a Christian charity that helps resettle refugees, has lost an estimated $8 million in USAID funding due to the recent cuts. The suspension of refugee resettlement programs, such as the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP), has also proven detrimental to Christian groups, as religious organizations are instrumental to the functioning of these programs. Trump has abandoned the funding needs of prominent Christian charities in favor of arbitrarily reducing government spending, proving again that his own agenda of consolidating executive power is more important than continuing to back the needs of his supporters.

Evangelical Christians should be careful supporting a man who will pursue “America first” policies that reflect his desire for greater executive power and public acclaim, rather than advocating for his supporters’ preferences. Simply because Trump’s right-wing policies have long aligned with those of right-wing evangelicals does not mean they will continue to do so, potentially catching these Christians in the crosshairs of the administration’s strong-arm approach. Although white evangelicals remain Trump’s strongest supporters, his approval rating since February has dropped six points among the group. Will we finally see evangelicals turn away from Trump in his second term? His increasingly unilateral policymaking suggests a potential fracture in support.

Delaney Dermody (BC ’25) is a staff writer from Seattle, WA. She studies political science and religion, and is interested in immigration policy, congressional reform, and democratic initiatives and engagement. She can be reached at dad2223@barnard.edu.

 
Next
Next

Himalayan Indian Women Revolutionizing Waste Management: The Paryavaran Sakhis